Madinah Cardiac Centre Research Proposal Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Madinah Cardiac Centre - Research Proposal Example Madinah Cardiac Centre The retention of health workers has been noted to be a very important requirement for ensuring quality delivery of healthcare. Meanwhile, most health facilities in Saudi Arabia go through very difficult times trying to achieve employee retention due to high incidence of employee turnover. This is the problem that has informed the proposed study, seeking to find ways in which the existing problem of high employee turnover can be solved. Based on literature reviewed, it has been established that when employees have sufficient control at the workplace to bring to bear their experiences, dynamism and innovation, they feel part of the overall management of the organisation. This situation is no different for health workers also. Meanwhile, in order for employees at the health sector to be given the room to operate in the manner described, it is important that the concept of employee engagement will be institutionalised at the health facilities. Because the need to undertake employee engagement has been noted to work best when institutionalised, the study seeks to use the concept of cultural metaphor through a social system approach to investigate the best modalities that can be used in making employee engagement a permanent part of the health facilities. Once this is achieved, it will be expected that instead of the health facilities to engage their employees once a while, employee engagement will actually become a permanent part of their organisational culture, where they will be practiced on a permanent basis.

Popular Music Youth And Education Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Popular Music Youth And Education - Essay Example According to this paper the author further gives a detailed explanation of the relationship between popular music and education. In this section, the need to integrate pop music in education is overly emphasised. The author concludes the essay by giving an overview of the general importance of music. Autobiographical account of the author’s relationship with music. It makes a conclusion that from the foregoing discourse, it has been established that music surrounds our day to day activities in our diverse cultures. The most outstanding outcome of this essay is that music has a great impact on the academic performance of individuals. Available studies reveal that about 90% of individuals with post graduate degrees participated in music education during their school days. Similarly, schools that spent a big chunk of money on music education post very impressive academic performance in general. It has been indicated that music education increases one's success in the society because such people rarely get involved with drugs and substance abuse. This argument is further supported by research findings that indicate that an education in music increases overall brain activity. Moreover, children that are exposed to music at an early stage in their development possess better reasoning skills than their counterparts who had a different orientation. It is for this reason that students who are good in math, science, and engineering have a craving for music.

John LockEs View on Innate Knowledge Essay Example for Free

John LockEs View on Innate Knowledge Essay John Locke, a renowned English philosopher in the seventeenth century, argued against the pre-existing prevalent belief of innate knowledge, such as those led by Descartes. Many of Locke’s arguments begin with criticisms on philosophers’ opinion on innate knowledge, notably Descartes. Therefore, many of Locke’s arguments are direct rebuttals of Descartes and other philosophers’ beliefs about the existence of innate knowledge. To arrive at the conclusion that innate knowledge is impossible, Locke comes with various premises and rebuttals that add weight to his arguments. First, Locke emphasizes that knowledge and ideas are learned through experience, not innately. He argues that people’s minds at birth are ‘blank slate’ that is later filled through experience. Here, the ‘senses’ play an important role because ‘the knowledge of some truths, as Locke confesses, is very in the mind; but in a way that shows them not to be innate’. By this, Locke argues that some ideas are actually in the mind from an early age but these ideas are furnished by the senses starting in the womb. For example, the color blue and the  Ã¢â‚¬Ëœblueness’ of something is not that which is learned innately but is some is learned through exposures to a blue object or thing. So if we do have a universal understanding of ‘blueness’, it is because we are exposed to blue objects ever since we were young. The blue sky is what many would acquaint with blue easily and at a young age. Second, Locke argues that people have no innate principles. Locke contended that innate principles rely upon innate ideas within people but such innate ideas do not exist. He says this on the basis that there is no ‘universal consent’ that everyone agrees upon. Locke quotes that ‘There is nothing more commonly taken for granted that there are certain principles universally agreed upon by all mankind, but there are none to which all mankind give a universal assent’. This argues against the very foundation of the idea of innate knowledge because principles that garner universal assent are thought to be known innately, simply because it is the best explanation available. However, it cannot even be an explanation for such belief because no ‘universal consent’ exists. Rationalists argue that there are in fact some principles that are universally agreed upon, such as the principle of identity. But it is far-fetched to claim that everyone knows this principle of identity because for the least, children and idiots, the less-intelligent ones are not acquainted with it. There are several objections to these premises and arguments that are outlined above. The argument by Locke that there are some ideas that are in the mind at an early age gives credence to argument for the innate ideas. For ideas to be furnished by the senses later on there has to be ideas that are laid as foundations. If such ideas are innate, as acknowledged by Locke, no matter how trivial or less significant these ideas may be as one may argue, such claim could give weight to the idea of innate knowledge. Innate knowledge or ideas, after all, doesn’t imply that all ideas are innate because as one can see, there are things that we learn through our experiences and encounters in life as well. So as long as there is even the basic principle that is innate early in life, then innate knowledge can be known to exist. The validity behind the claim that there is no ‘universal consent’ is also questionable. Locke argues that no principle that all mankind agrees upon exists because there are those who are not acquainted with such principle, notably children and idiots. However, the terms children and idiots are somewhat misguided. How are children and especially the idiots categorized? Is there a specific criteria used for those who are classified as idiots? It is hard to generalize that idiots or those who are deemed less intelligent are not acquainted with certain principles because at times, intelligence is not the best indicator of someone’s knowledge or ideas. There are many intelligent people out there who take their status for granted and do not think, contemplate or make an effort to their best extent. The objections that are made against the initial arguments can be defended in certain ways. Regarding the objection that since there are innate ideas in the mind at an early age, innate knowledge exists, the term ‘innate’ should be thought of again in greater detail. Innate knowledge has to be significant enough for us to recount to be considered such. Thus, there comes a risk with considering the ideas within our minds early on as innate. For example, the knowledge of our hands and feet maybe imbedded to us at a very early stage. The knowledge of using our hands and feet are not so significant. The knowledge that we gain through our use of hands and feet could be vital knowledge that we may recount throughout. Throwing a baseball properly under a coach’s instructions is an example. Also, there is the claim that intelligence cannot be the sole indicator of one’s acquisition of ‘universal consent’ and that there isn’t a clear distinction of those who can understand universal principles to those who cannot. However, the important focus here should not be on defining ‘idiots’ and intelligence but on that universal consent is hard to be assembled by every single mankind. Therefore, more should be considered than just innate knowledge that could garner universal consent. Empirical principles that are derived from experience could garner universal assent too. For example, the fear of ‘dying’ or ‘getting seriously injured’ could mean that people would not jump out the roof from tall buildings. And this belief could be universal among all.

Influence of Twitter and Social Media in UK Elections

Influence of Twitter and Social Media in UK Elections Role and Influence of Twitter and other social media platforms during recent UK elections Introduction: Over the years, social media platforms have rapidly grown as a sphere for political activism due to its wide outreach. Sharing of information and news available across the social media networking sites in various ways is now turning into a vital strategy for the political leaders and parties to campaign (Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker, 2017). Political leaders across the world have begun using Twitter, Facebook and other social networking sites as a medium for political communication and marketing during election campaigns. The political parties try to increase the reach of their election campaign by channelling their message through the young audiences’ personal networks (Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker, 2017). The leaders are able to gain support either through direct interaction with the individuals or through messages that are shared within their connected social circle (Bright et al., 2017) This study talks about the extent to which Twitter and other social media networking sites played a decisive role in the recently held two elections in United Kingdom in relatively quick succession in 2015 and 2017. It will also assess how much did these platforms influence the political parties’ strategy during the campaigning.   Twitter and 2015 UK General Election The social media has been a part of the Britain’s electoral scenario for a while since the 2015 general elections. With Twitter being a well-established social media tool in UK, Segesten and Bossetta (2017) notes that the UK became the second largest country after United States following the British Twittersphere having an estimated 14.8 million accounts in 2015. The 2015 general elections which was influenced by the social media for the first time saw Twitter being dominated by left-wing Labour party with 58,000 uses of #votelabour as compared to centre-right Conservatives 25,000 uses of #voteconservative (Bartlett and Jones, 2015). Other parties including UK Independent Party had 15,000 mentions with #voteukip and 27,000 #votesnp for SNP (Bartlett and Jones, 2015) Margetts (2017) highlights that while the electoral success of the Conservatives was attributed to the giant expenditure of  £1.2 million on the negative Facebook advertising targeted at Labour candidate Ed Miliband, it was the Labour’s â€Å"bottom-up† campaign on Twitter which drew the attention of the users. The Twitter campaign accounts of all the 8 political parties and leaders had produced a total of 22,397 tweets throughout the elections (Jensen, 2016) but of those about 13% of tweets were informative while generating only 2 % of mobilizing content (Segesten and Bossetta, 2017). Even though the Labour and Conservatives tried to drive voter engagement, the mobilizing messages by them lacked as against the UK Independent Party (UKIP) and Scottish National Party (SNP), who tweeted number of times a day targeting specific constituencies (Segesten and Bossetta, 2017) As (Lewis, 2015) notes that most of the politicians and their party used the social media platform as a digital marketing tool without interacting with the voters personally. Even the content posted on Twitter and Facebook appeared to prove the loyalty of the party rather than drawing the attention of the new potential voters. 2017 UK General Election: The â€Å"first-social media† election The GE 2015 had the potential to be the first social media election (Reuters, 2015) but the 2017 UK general elections was dubbed as the first social media election in the country. The GE 2017 which was announced as a â€Å"snap election† by Prime Minister Theresa May ahead of the 2020 date in order to make Brexit a success (Boyle and Maidment, 2017) saw social media platforms specially Twitter turning into a political battleground for the political parties while attracting many first-time young voters (Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker, 2017). The number of Twitter users in 2017 rose to 16.4 million from 14.8 million in 2015 within the election period (Bright et al., 2017 cited Statista, 2017). The social media became the dominant source of political news and information (Gallacher and Kaminska, 2017) more than the traditional media which influenced both the political candidates and public’s opinions throughout the election. â€Å"Labour† was yet again the most active political party on social media to strategically plan and use their social media presence innovatively on a larger scale as compared to Conservatives. The party began its online campaigning even before the elections began to appeal and target the young voters while investing in a huge effort in using Twitter and Facebook to encourage them to register their vote (Booth and Hern, 2017). Polonski (2017) notes that even though the Labour lagged in the election polls throughout the campaigning, it won the battle for â€Å"votes† on â€Å"social media election† by gaining the highest number of votes as against the Conservatives (Booth and Hern, 2017). The impact of Crosbyn and Labour party’s active engagement with the voters led to 622,000 people (GetSet, 2017) supporting the party in the final 24 hours of the registration period alone. Jeremy Corbyn himself tweeted on his personal Twitter account on a regular basis as a result of which 26% of his posts urged the public to vote for the party (MarketMakers’, 2017). During the entire campaign as Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker (2017) note, Labour garnered over 1 million shares on Facebook, which was three times more than the Conservatives besides posting over three times as often. While the Conservatives spent over  £1 million on negative Facebook adverts attacking Labour candidate Jeremy Corbyn (Kentish, 2017) and focusing on strengths of Prime Minister Theresa May, Labour focused more on gaining supporters by uplifting their campaign on both Twitter and Facebook (Kentish, 2017)   Even though Labour party did not win the election, the social media did increase candidate Jeremy Corbyn’s online popularity among the new age voters on Twitter (Polonski, 2017), which led to the Labour’s election result witnessing its share of vote rise by 9.6 points to 40 %, considered to be the highest increase in a single election since 1945 (GetSet cited The Guardian, 2017) Twitter as a news source and sharing of junk news: During the 2016 US presidential elections, the presence and sharing of fake news and targeted advertising on social media platforms were largely debated. Though there were distribution of strongly opiniated content with a political twist, but fake news was unable to make its way on Facebook and affect the outcome of elections (Littunen, 2017). Similarly, in a study by Oxford Internet Institute highlighted by (Littunen, 2017) it was found that only 11.4% of â€Å"junk news† stories were shared as compared to 33.8% during US election. Though social media users shared five links to professional news and information, they even shared one link to junk news during election campaign (Howard et al., 2017). However, in another study by Bournemouth, it was found that while 13 % tweets were regarding junk news, 54% tweets were linked to the professional news and information sources and about 16.5% of traffic was generated by highly automated accounts about UK politics (Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker, 2017) The BBC was the most popular news source being shared with 22.7% of the content coming from this source, followed by 17.7% links directing to the Guardian’s website (Howard et al., 2017).   A majority of various other political content shared was from public generated sources like blogs and civil society organisations, whose links were more as compared to the links to junk news. However, unlike the 2016 elections where it was claimed that the spreading of fake news propelled Donald Trump to office (Tait, 2017), the UK election results did not see any influence of fake news circulation. An analysis by Buzzfeed (Bauchowitz and Hà ¤nska, 2017) noted that among the 30 most frequently shared URLs, the Conservative supporters had shared almost 13 story links attacking Corbyn and Labour and only 2 stories were related to Conservative policy. On the other hand, Labour supporters shared 14 stories attacking conservatives while 7 focused on Labour’s policy (Bauchowitz and Hà ¤nska, 2017). Meanwhile, on Facebook there were more links to negative stories about Corbyn and absence of positive story links to May. Twitter Analysis: Hern (2017) highlighted a study by the Oxford Internet Institute which stated that the â€Å"Labour† party dominated the conversation on Twitter, with almost 40% of tweets on election-related hashtags and provided the digital strategists an analysis of Labour winning the ‘social media election’ (Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker, 2017). On the other hand, the Twitter saw only 26% tweets about Conservative party, with the SNP, UKIP and Liberal Democrats receiving 19 per cent, 9.6 per cent and 5.7 per cent, respectively (Hern, 2017). According to Twitter data (Gallacher and Kaminska, 2017), about 88% of the Labour candidates created account as compared to 73% of Conservative candidates.   With almost 63% of the online population (Polonski, 2017) using Facebook each week, of which 80% constitute the younger generation aged between 18 to 24, it makes Facebook the most widely used social networking site in the UK. During the 2017 election campaigning, Facebook was the most crucial social media channel on which content of articles or videos were shared 16 million times (Littunen, 2017) related to Theresa May and Jeremy Corbyn. Even though the most talked about politicians in the top 20 political subjects during the election on Facebook were Theresa May and the Tories, it was the Labour which gained popularity and whose posts were shared almost a million times (Shammas, 2017). This proved how the social media influenced and enhanced a serious political engagement while leading to young voters expressing their political opinion.   But (Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker, 2017) notes that Twitter had the most crucial role to play throughout the GE 2017 campaign as the retweets made were more than the number of tweets as compared to the original tweets being only about one-quarter of the total GE2017 discussion. The Twitter debate around GE 2017 which was dominated by the pro-Labour conversation hashtags (Cram et al., 2017) also witnessed the ongoing issue of â€Å"Brexit† as one of the top three most popular hashtag. Not only the external issues but also the hashtags introduced by various broadcast media outlets heavily influenced the GE 2017 Twitter debate (Cram et al., 2017) Brexit, which continues to be the hottest topic till date, saw an increase in the tweets and posts by the Conservatives from 20 per cent to almost a third while the Labour did not post any content related to it during the campaign (Express, 2017) With the Labour party focusing on social issues especially healthcare as a part of the online campaigning, the posts on the party’s Facebook and Twitter pages were being shared almost three times more in total by the users (Cecil, 2017).   Twitter was the most powerful tool used by the Labour for which the party (Booth and Hern, 2017) had spent a huge amount of money just to promote its single #forthemany  hashtag. Corcoran notes (2017) that Corbyn’s video message on the day of the election had over 88,000 engagements and 1.6 million views which prompted his followers to vote for him whereas May’s  lengthy status update attracted only 12,000 engagements (Corcoran, 2017) The Labour which was much more active in posting content more than the Conservatives and any other party successfully generated about 2.5 total interactions as compared to the latter which had only 1 million interactions. Although 90% of shares, likes and comments for Labour was a result of their video posts (Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker, 2017) Even though Labour was a way ahead of the conservatives, the Conservatives did saw a jump in its page for a brief period on May 27 following a video post encouraging its followers to share it if they didn’t want to elect Corbyn as their PM (Corcoran, 2017). The video had about 150,000 engagements and almost 9 million views. Despite being considered to be the highest number of views for any other political campaign video in the British history, the young voters were more inspired by the positive messages by Labour than the negative tone of the Conservatives (Reid and Ma, 2017) The GE 2017 online campaigning witnessed a tough war between the two major parties with the Labour page receiving more number of shares, likes and love reactions as against Conservatives page which saw more comments on less posts besides receiving angry reactions to majority of their posts (Corcoran, 2017) Out of every five posts on Twitter or Facebook by Conservatives, four posts had mentions of either Theresa May or Jeremy Corbyn, an increase from 75% to 84% (Express, 2017) Due to the elections being called early only 63 per cent of the 2015 candidates used Twitter during GE 2017 as compared to 76% percent of the candidates in GE 2015.   But, the twitter activity increased, with candidates having a Twitter account posting 86 tweets in 2015 (Technology Review, 2017) to 123.5 tweets in 2017. Frequent Mentions and Postings: Twitter witnessed Jeremy Corbyn as the most mentioned account with 1,367,392 and Theresa May at only 654,417, much more than their respective parties where @uklabour was mentioned in 323.027 tweets and @conservatives was mentioned almost 307,550 times (Cram et al., 2017) While #BBCqt was the most used hashtags followed by #GE2017, #VoteLabour was the third most used Labour hashtags (Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker, 2017). Here, mainstream media also pla During the beginning of the election campaign, Corbyn had more than twice the number of followers on both Twitter and Facebook as that of May’s accounts (Cecil, 2017) and by the end of the election Corbyn also gained more supporters than May. With a 45 per cent increase in the number of followers on Twitter and Facebook pages of Corbyn over the campaign, the numbers reached from 850,000 each to more than 1.2 million (Cecil, 2017) More than the Labour’s account, Corbyn’s personal Twitter account had Labour supporting engagement which led to Twitter attracting more Labour supporters as compared to Conservative engagement driven by May’s account (Bauchowitz and Hà ¤nska, 2017) The generation of famous femes by @laboureoin ended up being an exceptionally effective strategy for encouraging retweets conveying a socialist message (Cram et al., 2017). While conservatives posted about 10 to 20 posts a single day, the Labour interacted more with its supporters through social media by posting over 30 posts (GetSet, 2017) each day across all the social media platforms. Though the savvy use of social media platforms effectively by Corbyn and Labour helped them drive reach out to young first-time voters (Cram et al., 2017), the microtargeting advertising strategy of Conservatives was effective (Wendling, 2017) but because it did not go down well with the public’s view led to their failure over social media (Wendling, 2017). It can be said that instead of shaping the public opinion, the social media was simply contemplating the opinion. According to the data by YouGov (Yaxley, 2017) the Brits believed that the broadcast media including 42% of television, print media including 32% of newspapers and magazines had more influence on them over social media, which only had 26 % influence, regarding how they decided to vote. But about 50 % young voters (Yaxley, 2017) believed that it was the social media which helped them choose whom to vote for as it was not only primary source of political information but also helped them communicate with the politicians directly. While television still remained the first influence for the votes, social media turned out to be the second most influence on votes by younger voters aged between 18-24 years old (Yaxley, 2017) With the social media campaign which encouraged young voters to register their votes, the Labour party was able to add a total of 33 parliamentary seats and outnumber the majority held by the Conservatives. The Labour party believed that the effective use of social media helped them win the seats they lost during the GE 2015 with their message videos being able to reach to 30% of the UK Facebook users (Crabtree, 2017). Conclusion: The result of the GE 2017 would have been quite different if social media did not play a major role and influenced the campaign, as Twitter and Facebook only helped the Labour party transform its fate and gain support through its powerful messages. The GE 2017 saw a massive use of Facebook and Twitter but the political leaders and parties did not make their presence felt on other popular social networking apps including â€Å"Instagram† and â€Å"Snapchat† much. Even though they lack the share feature, these apps are built around close ties which would have helped the parties and leaders make the content strongly effective among peer to peer (Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker, 2017). While Snapchat was hardly used during the election, Instagram too saw only 33,200 followers of Labour and 6,555 followers of Tories (Thorsen, Jackson and Lilleker, 2017) The social media networks give the politicians and their parties an opportunity to engage in new forms of community building and allow the general public to enter their political arena through direct interaction (Gibson, 2015; Gibson et al. 2016). The parties are able to mobilise not only members but also non-members to raise their voice and put forward their opinions on their behalf during elections (Bright et al., 2017 cited Karpf et al). The new resources that such tools generate clearly offer a considerable boost to parties’ capacity to fight and win elections (Lilleker et al., 2017) In order to reach out to the users, the political parties made use of the social media as a powerful tool by sharing video messages only because the broadcasting of any political advertising outside of official party is banned from UK television (GetSet, 2017). The emergence of political attack ads (GetSet, 2017) which was prevalent in the 2016 Presidential campaign was also seen for the first time during the 2017 general elections. The success of the leftist Labour party in UK during the 2017 election on social media and the right Republican party by Donald Trump during 2016 US elections has been given to savvy use of Twitter and the immediate sharing facilities of social media by the leaders and followers (Segesten and Bossetta, 2017). Even the results of the election show how a well-planned social media campaign with a targeted audience can prove beneficial to any political party.   Witnessing the huge reach of social media in the US 2016 GE and UK GE 2017, it can be said that the social media platforms are now providing the politicians a new way of utilising their power. But, it is also to be noted that with social media becoming increasingly crowded and dripped with fake articles and clickbait articles (Polonski, 2017) it gets difficult for many political leaders and parties to build meaningful relationship with the public (Polonski, 2017) The social media especially Twitter brought the volatility and change within the political mobilisation and collective action in the GE 2017 (Margetts, 2017) Twitter is obviously not illustrative of the voters as a whole and along these lines it is not really a clear impression of the many, not the few. While Twitter cant be utilized to anticipate elections and (Cram et al., 2017) the mind-boggling support that GE 2017 saw for Labour and Jeremy Corbyn may not be completely reflected in the polling booths, it is a helpful tool in giving us the mind-set of the individuals who are spurred enough to remark on social media platforms. References: Bartlett, J. and Jones, A. K. (2015) ‘Who won the Twitter election campaign battle?’, The Telegraph, May. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/general-election-2015/politics-blog/11590772/Who-won-the-Twitter-campaign-battle.html. Bauchowitz, S. and Hà ¤nska, M. (2017) How the General Election 2017 Campaign is Shaping Up on Twitter, LSE. Available at: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/eurocrisispress/2017/06/05/how-the-general-election-2017-campaign-is-shaping-up-on-twitter/ (Accessed: 1 January 2018). Booth, R. and Hern, A. (2017) Labour won social media election, digital strategists say, The Gaurdian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/jun/09/digital-strategists-give-victory-to-labour-in-social-media-election-facebook-twitter (Accessed: 29 December 2017). Boyle, D. and Maidment, J. (2017) ‘Theresa May announces snap general election on June 8 to â€Å"make a success of Brexit†Ã¢â‚¬â„¢, The Telegraph, April. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/04/18/breaking-theresa-may-make-statement-downing-street-1115am1/. Bright, J. et al. (2017) ‘Does Campaigning on Social Media Make a Difference? Evidence from candidate use of Twitter during the 2015 and 2017 UK Elections’, (June), pp. 1–33. Available at: http://arxiv.org/abs/1710.07087. Cecil, N. (2017) How Jeremy Corbyn beat Theresa May in the social media election war, Evening Standard. Available at: https://www.standard.co.uk/news/politics/how-jeremy-corbyn-beat-theresa-may-in-the-social-media-election-war-a3564746.html (Accessed: 30 December 2017). Corcoran, L. (2017) Here’s how the UK election is playing out on social media, Newswhip. Available at: http://www.newswhip.com/2017/05/heres-how-the-uk-election-is-playing-out-on-social-media/ (Accessed: 1 January 2018). Crabtree, J. (2017) Facebook is playing a decisive role in UK politics and regulators are starting to take note, CNBC. Available at: https://www.cnbc.com/2017/06/23/facebook-social-media-influence-on-elections-and-democracy.html (Accessed: 4 January 2018). Cram, L. et al. (2017) ‘UK General Election 2017: a Twitter Analysis’, Neuropolitics Research Lab, 2017, pp. 1–11. Available at: http://arxiv.org/abs/1706.02271. Express (2017) ‘General Election 2017: Labour races into lead over Conservatives’, Sunday Express. Available at: https://www.express.co.uk/news/politics/806658/General-Election-Labour-Conservatives-social-media. Gallacher, J. and Kaminska, M. (2017) ‘Facebook needs to be more open about its effect on democracy’, The Guardian, June. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/jun/12/general-election-social-media-facebook-twitter. GetSet (2017) THE IMPACT OF GETTING YOUR SOCIAL MEDIA STRATEGY RIGHT: UK ELECTION 2017, GetSet for Growth. Available at: The impact of getting your social media strategy right: UK Election 2017 (Accessed: 1 January 2018). Hern, A. (2017) Labour dominating election conversation on Twitter, study finds, The Gaurdian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/may/31/labour-dominating-election-conversation-on-twitter-study-finds (Accessed: 29 December 2017). Howard, P. N. et al. (2017) ‘Social Media and News Sources during the 2017 UK General Election’, (JUNE), pp. 1–7. Jensen, M. J. (2016) In the 2015 General Election campaign, politicians used social media to broadcast to voters rather than converse with them, Democratic Audit UK. Available at: http://www.democraticaudit.com/2016/02/02/social-media-and-political-campaigning-a-look-at-the-2015-uk-general-election-campaign/ (Accessed: 03 January 2018). Kentish, B. (2017) ‘Tories â€Å"spent more than  £1m† on negative Facebook adverts attacking Jeremy Corbyn’, Independent, June. Available at: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/conservative-social-media-strategy-attack-jeremy-corbyn-labouir-twitter-facebook-video-stormzy-akala-a7784406.html. Lilleker, D. G. et al. (2017) ‘Social media campaigning in Europe: mapping the terrain’, Journal of Information Technology & Politics. Routledge, 0(0), p. 19331681.2017.1397239. doi: 10.1080/19331681.2017.1397239. Littunen, M. (2017) An analysis of news and advertising in the UK general election, openDemocracyUK. Available at: https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk/analysis-of-news-and-advertising-in-uk-general-election (Accessed: 02 January 2018). Margetts, H. (2017) ‘Why Social Media May Have Won the 2017 General Election’, Political Quarterly, 88(3), pp. 386–390. doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12408. MarketMakers’ (2017) The UK’s most social election yet?, MarketMakers’. Available at: http://www.marketmakers.co.uk/the-uks-most-social-election-yet/ (Accessed: 02 January 2018). Polonski, V. (2017) From voices to votes: how young people used social media to influence the General Election, Election Analysis. Available at: http://www.electionanalysis.uk/uk-election-analysis-2017/section-5-the-digital-campaign/from-voices-to-votes-how-young-people-used-social-media-to-influence-the-general-election/ (Accessed: 02 January 2018). Reid, A. and Ma, A. (2017) ‘Conservatives did not once use social media to encourage voter registration, study finds’, Independent, May. Available at: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/conservatives-voter-registration-social-media-not-use-encourage-facebook-twitter-election-2017-a7756736.html. Reuters (2015) Social media and the 2015 general election, Reuters Institute. Available at: https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/risj-review/social-media-and-2015-general-election (Accessed: 03 January 2018). Segesten, A. D. and Bossetta, M. (2017) ‘A typology of political participation online: how citizens used Twitter to mobilize during the 2015 British general elections’, Information Communication and Society. Taylor & Francis, 20(11), pp. 1625–1643. doi: 10.1080/1369118X.2016.1252413. Shammas, J. (2017) ‘Facebook may have lost Theresa May her majority as young general election voters flooded social media with pro-Labour posts’, The Sun, June. Available at: https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/3767326/facebook-theresa-may-majority-general-election-voters-pro-labour-posts/. Technology Review (2017) How Tweets Translate into Votes, MIT Technology Review. Available at: https://www.technologyreview.com/s/609229/how-tweets-translate-into-votes/ (Accessed: 02 January 2018). Thorsen, E., Jackson, D. and Lilleker, D. (2017) UK Election Analysis 2017: Media, Voters and the Campaign Early reflections from leading academics. Bournemouth: Centre for the Study of Journalism, Culture and Community. Wendling, M. (2017) Election 2017: Was it Facebook wot swung it?, BBC. Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/blogs-trending-40209711 (Accessed: 02 January 2018). Yaxley, D. (2017) Brits believe traditional media mattered more in the 2017 general election, YouGov UK. Available at: https://yougov.co.uk/news/2017/08/04/brits-believe-traditional-media-mattered-more-2017/ (Accessed: 01 January 2018).

The Active Future as Divine :: Philosophy Religion Papers

The Active Future as Divine Normally, activity is regarded as discernible, but according to relativity theory whatever is discernible lies in the past of the discernible. Only the present subjective immediacy is properly active. Subjectivity is properly understood as present becoming; objectivity as past being (so Whitehead). I propose that we extend the domain of subjective immediacy to include the future as well as the present. This future universal activity is pluralized in the present in terms of the many actualities coming into being. Subjectivity is the individualization of becoming, and so can apply to the future as a whole as well as to particular present subjects. The future as divine grows out of Whitehead's revisions of traditional notions of omnipotence and omniscience. But he separates creativity (best understood in terms of Hindu and Buddhist thought) from the God of Western theism. This separation can be overcome if God is future creativity individualized in its own realm, which is the source of the creativity within each of us. Ordinarily we think of the future as a blank background on which we imaginatively project our plans, hopes and fears. Or we may consider it as a receptacle, passively registering the conditions the present and past lays upon it. Once all these conditions are completed, it comes into being-only then it is no longer future but present. As long as it is still future and still indeterminate, we do not see how it could be active. How could the future actively receive and respond to its world? Besides the ordinary passive future we are all familiar with, I wish to propose a notion of the future which can serve as the appropriate mode of divine activity. First, I need to show how an active future is possible. Then I must try to show that God can be appropriately conceived as the activity of the future. In this account I shall be relying heavily on the process philosophy of Alfred North Whitehead, primarily as found in his main work, Process and Reality (1929). In part I shall be presenting his ideas, while in part I shall be building on them in ways he did not foresee. The future is usually considered to be exclusively passive because it lacks any discernible activity. Most deem whatever discernible activity there is to be present, relegating to the past whatever is no longer active. This makes good sense for those who assume that world is constituted out of enduring substances, but it makes less sense if the world is conceived in terms of events.

A Synopsis of the Movie Edward Scissorhands Essay

Edward Scissorhands (1990) tells us a story about an artificial man, Edward ‘Scissorhands’, who was made by a lonely inventor in his mansion atop a hill near a small town. Long after his inventor’s death, Edward is brought into society by Meg, a local resident and encounters many new and interesting things as he attempts to belong in civilization. The text explores concepts of belonging to groups or communities and a sense of belonging in relationships shown by Edward’s endless struggle to find clarity and purpose. A sense of isolation can come from one’s difference to others, whether it be physical, mental or spiritual. Edward’s hands made out of sharp scissors are iconic of his separation from the rest of society. They create a physical barrier between him and others which greatly limits the amount of physical contact Edward can have with others and the rest of the world and in turn creates a sense of isolation. This is carefully and noticea bly communicated by Burton through the use of colour and contrast. Specifically, Edwards initial costume is completely black leather, decorated with metal studs and rings. His hair is jet black and very messy and his face is pale white. This along with Edward’s mansion, a dark place riddled with cobwebs and falling apart, so far away from society, juxtaposes fantastically with the bright and vibrant colours of the town, the houses and the clothes and outfits of the townspeople. He in fact only finds a sense of belonging when he is shown kindness and outreach by Meg. She gives him clothes to wear, which although do not seem to break his theme of darkness and dullness, do still symbolise his inclusion and belonging in their society. She also offers him purpose, letting him use his scissors to trim her garden hedges and in doing this, she turns what Edward, among others, fears to be tools of destruction into tools of creativity and resultantly breaches the barrier between Edward and the world. This gives him a sense of belonging within Meg’s family and the rest of the community. A sense of belonging can also be achieved though relationships with others. Edward finds love when he first lays eyes on Kim, Meg’s daughter. At first she is quite intimidated by Edward and does not quite feel as if he belongs there but she gradually warms to him as everyone else does and shows him deserved kindness, making him feel as if he does belong. However this feeling of connection is eventually lost when Edward is falsely accused by Joyce of sexual harassment and framed for robbery due to his innocence and loyalty to Kim; â€Å"(I did it) because you asked me to.† He is driven out of town after further misunderstandings in which he accidentally hurts few people and it becomes clear that he can’t quite belong their because of the sole fact that the vast majority of the townspeople can’t seems to understand him. His escape from the town and its community is symbolised by Edward tearing off his clothes to reveal his original apparel. Burton uses a motif in the film; the falling of snow-like ice shards as Edward makes ice sculptures with his Scissorhands. This is used to symbolise both Edward’s connection with Kim and his final state and residence in the film. In a key scene, Kim dances under the falling ‘snow’ and this is basically the exact moment she falls for Edward. When he is driven away, he spends his time making sculptures and this has the effect of making snow over the town. Kim as a grandmother tells us â€Å"Before he came down here, it never snowed and after, it did.† The snow is metaphoric of the lack of warmth in his life, as he longs for Kim’s love. Edward’s journey of belonging is full of changes. Through his experiences we can learn and see that one can attempt to belong somewhere, whether they seem to belong there naturally or not but they may not truly succeed.

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Search for E.T. essays Can the Earth be the only place in the Universe that harbors life? Most astronomers don't believe this is true. Certain statistics in the Universe provide evidence that living beings may be common place through out the universe, on planets of other stars besides the sun. In this paper I plan to discuss the various viewpoints of those that believe that extraterrestrials exist and have even been visiting Earth, and the viewpoints of skpetics that believe that aliens don't exist and have not been visiting Earth. To get into the topic we must first start at the base of the subject. First the question must be dealt with of life being only indigenous to planet Earth. One of the most basic materials that are essential to form life are basic carbon compounds. These carbon compounds are very abundant throughout the Universe. Carbon compounds exist not only on planets but on comets and free floating asteroids and gas clouds in space. Although, even with the abundance of all these compunds in the Universe the chances of these compounds forming into living beings aren't so great, however it is true that the odds of carbon forming into life sustaining compounds is greatly increased with an increase in time. The Universe works on a basis backward to the human way of thinking. The Universe becomes more orderly with time while we would tend to think that time breaks down structures. This means to us that the chances of life evolving on any part of the Universe increases as time moves forward. Another factor that is necessary for life evolving is a Star's size. Our Sun is a very ordinary star in terms of it size and temperature. Statistics show that there are billions of stars like the sun in our galaxy alone. ( Henbest & Couper, 1989, paragraph 5 ) Life evolving in one of these star systems may have developed in the same way humans have. Philosophers have argued for centures about how to define life. " If we study living things on the Earth, we find...